My Teenage Hearthrob Passes

 

Annette Funicello, Mouseketeer and Beach Movie Actress, Dies at 70

 

 

Annette Funicello, who won America’s heart as a 12-year-old in Mickey Mouse ears, captivated adolescent baby boomers in slightly spicy beach movies and later championed people with multiple sclerosis, a disease from which she suffered, died on Monday in Bakersfield, Calif. She was 70.

 

Photofest

The Mickey Mouse Club, 1955-1959. From left: Jimmie Dodd, Annette Funicello, Tommy Cole, Doreen Tracey. More Photos »

 

Multimedia

 

 

Video Highlights From Funicello’s Career

Ms. Funicello embodied youth, good cheer and beach parties for children of the ’50s and ’60s.

 

Her death, from complications of the disease, was announced on the Disney Web site.

As an adult Ms. Funicello described herself as “the queen of teen,” and millions around her age agreed. Young males enjoyed watching her blossom into womanhood, while females liked her because she was sweet, forthright and plain nice. Parents saw her as the perfect daughter.

She was the last of the 24 original Mouseketeers chosen for “The Mickey Mouse Club,” the immensely popular children’s television show that began in 1955, when fewer than two-thirds of households had television sets. Walt Disney personally discovered her at a ballet performance.

Before long, she was getting more than 6,000 fan letters a week, and was known by just her first name in a manner that later defined celebrities like Cher, Madonna and Prince.

Sometimes called “America’s girl next door,” she nonetheless managed to be at the center of the action during rock ’n’ roll’s exuberant emergence. She was the youngest member of Dick Clark’s Caravan of Stars tour, which included LaVern Baker, the Drifters, Bobby Rydell, the Coasters and Paul Anka. Mr. Anka, her boyfriend, wrote “Puppy Love” for her in her parents’ living room.

As a Mouseketeer, she received a steady stream of wristwatches, school rings and even engagement rings from young men, all of which she returned. She wrote in her 1994 autobiography, “A Dream Is a Wish Your Heart Makes,” that irate mothers often wrote back to say “how hard Johnny or Tommy had worked to save the money for the gift and how dare I return it?”

She said that if she had charm (she undeniably had modesty), it was partly a result of her shyness. Mr. Disney begged her to call him Uncle Walt, but she could manage only “Mr. Disney.” (She could handle “Uncle Makeup” and “Aunt Hairdresser.”)

At the height of her stardom, she said her ambition was to quit show business and have nine children.

With minor exceptions, like her commercials for Skippy peanut butter, Ms. Funicello did become a full-time homemaker after marrying at 22. One reason, she said, was her reluctance to take parts at odds with her squeaky-clean image. She had three children.

Her cheerfulness was legendary. Her response to learning she had multiple sclerosis, a chronic disease of the central nervous system, was to start a charity to find a cure.

There was no irony, only warm good feeling, in her oft-repeated remark about the world’s pre-eminent rodent: “Mickey is more than a mouse to me. I am honored to call him a friend.”

Annette Joanne Funicello was born on Oct. 22, 1942, in Utica, N.Y., and as the first grandchild on either side of the family was indulged to the point of being, in her own words, a “spoiled brat.” At age 2, she learned the words to every song on the hit parade, her favorite being “Ac-cent-tchu-ate the Positive.”

In 1946, her parents decided to move to Southern California in the hope of doing better economically. They lived in a trailer park until her father, a mechanic, found work. They settled in Studio City and later moved to Encino.

Annette took dancing lessons, learned to play drums and, at 9, was named Miss Willow Lake at a poolside beauty contest. She did some modeling. Mr. Disney, who wanted amateurs and not professional child actors, discovered her when she danced in “Swan Lake” at a local recital.

“The Mickey Mouse Club” was instantly popular, generating orders for 24,000 mouse-eared beanies a day. Annette quickly became the most popular Mouseketeer, and Disney marketed everything from Annette lunchboxes and dolls to mystery novels about her fictionalized adventures.

But she did not receive special treatment. When she lost a pair of felt mouse ears, she was charged $55. It was deducted from her $185 weekly paycheck.

She once decided she wanted to change her last name to something more typically American. She chose Turner. But Mr. Disney, whom she considered a second father, convinced her that her own name would be more memorable, once people learned it.

As “The Mickey Mouse Club” was ending its run in 1958, Mr. Disney summoned Ms. Funicello to his office. She feared she was going to be fired for growing too tall, but instead he offered her a studio contract — the only one given to a Mouseketeer.

Her first movie role was in “The Shaggy Dog,” Disney’s first live-action comedy. Then came three episodes of “Zorro.” Next she was “loaned out,” in the industry phrase, to CBS to appear on several episodes of the Danny Thomas sitcom “Make Room for Daddy.” She also pursued a recording career, and had two Top 10 singles: “Tall Paul” in 1959 and “O Dio Mio” in 1960.

She and her family continued living as they had, with her father working five days a week at a gas station and everyone pitching in to do housework. She was not allowed to date until she was 16. When her mother was asked how she was able to keep life so normal, she answered succinctly, “Nothing impressed us.”

Ms. Funicello had crushes on her fellow singers Fabian Forte and Frankie Avalon but fell hard for Mr. Anka. “As Paul wrote in his hit song about us,” she wrote, “just because we were 17 didn’t mean that, for us, our love wasn’t real.”

But their careers were increasingly busy, and time together was scant. When Ms. Funicello finally told Mr. Anka that she really cared for him, he replied, “What script did you get that from?”

Her records continued, including the albums “Hawaiiannette,” “Italiannette” and “Dance Annette.” Movie parts included “Babes in Toyland,” in which she sang “I Can’t Do That Sum.” (She actually could, as proved by her straight-A high school record.)

When Ms. Funicello was 21, Mr. Disney told her he had been approached by American International Pictures about her making a beach movie. He thought it sounded like “good clean fun,” but asked her not to expose her navel. She readily agreed.

She and Mr. Avalon ultimately starred in six beach movies, beginning with “Beach Party” in 1963. She harbored no illusions that she and Mr. Avalon were the Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers of their generation. “Ma and Pa Kettle of the surf set,” she suggested instead.

On Jan. 9, 1965, Ms. Funicello married her agent, Jack Gilardi. Charles M. Schulz in his “Peanuts” comic strip showed Linus reading a paper, clutching his security blanket and wailing: “I can’t stand it! This is terrible! How depressing. … ANNETTE FUNICELLO HAS GROWN UP!”

She made a few films in the middle and late 1960s, including “Fireball” and “Thunder Alley,” but her attention was focused on her children, Gina, Jack Jr. and Jason Michael. During the 1970s and early 1980s, she appeared occasionally on TV but was known principally for commercials, including her memorable issuance of the Skippy peanut butter challenge: Which has more protein? (Bologna and fish were not the correct answers.)

In 1987, she and Mr. Avalon reunited to do a self-mocking beach party movie. She wore polka dots with matching hair bows, and he portrayed a work-obsessed car salesman who hates the beach. Their fictional son wore punk clothes and carried a switchblade.

But Ms. Funicello’s main concern was being a good mom. Her daughter said in a 1994 interview with In Style magazine, “She was always there for car pools, Hot Dog Day and the PTA.”

In 1981 she divorced Mr. Gilardi, in part because he was intensely social and she preferred to stay home. After being single for five years, she married Glen Holt, a horse breeder. Her three children and Mr. Holt, who cared for Ms. Funicello in her later years, survive her, as do three grandchildren.

Ms. Funicello learned she had M.S. in 1987 but kept her condition secret for five years. She announced the illness after becoming concerned that the unsteadiness that resulted from the disease would be misinterpreted as drunkenness.

She set up the Annette Funicello Research Fund for Neurological Disorders and underwent brain surgery in 1999 in an attempt to control tremors caused by her disease.

But for many, Annette Funicello remained forever young, whether in mouse ears or a modest bathing suit. Some may even recognize a ditty from the long-ago telecasts:

Ask the birds and ask the bees

And ask the stars above

Who’s their favorite sweet brunette;

You know, each one confesses:

Annette! Annette! Annette!

President Obama and EPA Regulations

Former EPA Climate Adviser Rips Obama Over Environmental Regulations

Lisa Heinzerling says the White House has blocked the agency from implementing tough rules.

| Thu Apr. 4, 2013 9:33 AM PDT

The Senate will hold a confirmation hearing next week for Gina McCarthy, President Obama’s pick to head the Environmental Protection Agency in his second term. McCarthy, who is currently the assistant administrator for the EPA’s Office of Air and Radiation, is expected to face some grilling from Senate Republicans who haven’t been big fans of regulations, particularly when it comes to greenhouse gas rules. But the Senate might not be the biggest obstacle to strong new rules.

In a stinging critique at the Yale Journal on Regulation, one of the EPA’s former top officials on climate change argues that the Obama White House has been the biggest impediment to tough regulations. Lisa Heinzerling served as the senior climate policy counsel at the EPA from January to July 2009 and as the associate administrator of the Office of Policy from July 2009 to December 2010. Heinzerling brought serious climate chops to the EPA; before joining the administration, she was one of the lead authors in the plaintiffs’ briefs in Massachusetts v. EPA, the settled court case in which the US Supreme Court ruled that the EPA has the authority to regulate carbon dioxide emissions. She has since returned to her job as a law professor at Georgetown University.

Her piece points to the White House Office of Management of Budget —and its Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) in particular—as the place where tough regulations go to die. We’ve documented a number of proposed environmental rules have been sent to OMB for consideration and never again seen the light of day. Heinzerling points to several others that have been under “review” for years, including a list of “chemicals of concern” and rules about workplace exposure to harmful crystalline silica dust. In other cases, like new Food and Drug Administration rules on food safety, the rules were sent back from OMB significantly weakened.

It’s often impossible to tell what happens to new environmental rules once they go into the OMB, which means the Obama administration is breaking its promises of transparency, Heinzerling argues. The problems at OMB also stem, she says, from an overemphasis on cost-benefit analysis for all new regulations. Cass Sunstein, the legal scholar who headed OIRA for most of Obama’s first term before leaving last August, was a major proponent of this process of comparing the monetary costs and benefits of any proposed regulation. Using this to evaluate environmental regulations is a source of controversy, particularly for cases where the benefit of, say, not filling the atmosphere with greenhouse gases can be difficult to quantify.

I predicted at the time Heinzerling was tapped for the administration back in 2009 that cost-benefit analysis would be a major source of tension between EPA and OIRA. That certainly seems to be the case. I talked with Heinzerling this week about her piece and her evaluation of the Obama administration’s approach to environmental regulation:

Mother Jones: How much of a barrier to getting good regulations has the OMB been under Obama?

Lisa Heinzerling: It’s a huge barrier. From the moment a person at EPA thinks of the possibility of issuing a rule, they start to think, “Will OMB let us issue this rule?” It affects everything in rulemaking at the agencies. If they do get to the point where they decide to go ahead with the rule and propose it or issue a final rule, then it may well get stuck forever at OMB. In most case in this administration, no one knows that a rule is stuck, or why.

MJ: Does this lead to self-censorship at the agencies? Are they thinking, “Maybe we shouldn’t be as aggressive on this rule as we think we need to be because OMB won’t let it go through”?

LH: A lot. After [my piece] on this went up, a career staffer at EPA that I’d never met wrote to me and said, “We’re constantly checking ourselves. We’re constantly asking ourselves not, ‘Is this the right thing for environmental protection?’ but, ‘How can we make this acceptable to OMB?'” Obviously that’s just one person, but I saw this all the time.

MJ: Is this worse than previous administrations?

LH: There are some things I think are more aggressive about OMB in this administration. Certainly for a Democratic administration it’s notably aggressive. Those things include using cost-benefit analysis in a decision-making role. You need to show bigger benefits than costs, and if you don’t, except in exceptional circumstances, that rule won’t issue. That’s new and big. There’s also OIRA’s insistence that agencies, if they can, should interpret their statutes to allow cost-benefit analysis. I think that’s new, or at least I have never heard it said explicitly before. Maybe this is just the chasm between the rhetoric about transparency and the reality of it, but there is a notable lack of transparency about the process. Even in the Bush administration there were return letters—public letters—saying your rule is not going to issue, here’s why.

MJ: How much of that was Cass Sunstein’s leadership at OIRA rather than just the institutional mentality?

LH: I think there’s definitely an institutional mentality in OIRA. He would say that there’s no political valence to the office. I’m not sure there’s any particular party affiliation with OIRA staff, but there’s certainly a philosophical orientation against regulation. That continues. But Sunstein himself was an incredibly enthusiastic proponent of cost-benefit analysis and of the president’s prerogative in the rule-making process. So I think that had a huge effect.

MJ: Does having a new person at the head of OIRA change that much?

LH: I don’t think so. Most of these decisions don’t go to the president himself. So it’s not like the president’s making all of them. But there’s no doubt the president knows the general structure of the process, and has not pulled back on it at all—in fact, has deepened it. So unless the president himself changes, I don’t see the process changing.

MJ: How much of a hindrance was this for you during your time at EPA?

LH: Sometimes, yes. Not always. There were a lot of rules that did go through, a lot of air pollution rules in particular. Air pollution rules fare particularly well in the process because they often reduce particulate matter, and particulate matter kills people, so that produces big numbers. None of this is to say that there hasn’t been any activity at EPA. But in some domains, OIRA basically stops regulatory activity. Water pollution is one area. It’s extremely hard for a water pollution rule to pass cost-benefit analysis. Toxics rules—they’re extremely hard to get through the OIRA process.

MJ: Overall, how would you rate the EPA’s climate work in the first four years?

LH: I would say it’s a good start. I would say if EPA were now on the verge of issuing some major new, big rules, then it might even be more than a good start. But I think there’s been a lot of talk lately about delaying the power plants rule for new facilities. As far as I can tell, there doesn’t seem to be a huge amount of appetite for a rule on existing power plants. So at this point, if things are kind of stuck, all we’re left with is that good start. That’s not enough.

MJ: With greenhouse gas regulations, do you think the administration is serious about them? They seem to be hesitant to actually make them happen.

LH: Exactly. And time is short. Within the first few months of the first term EPA had proposed basically, basically had in place plans for the whole suite of rules that came out in the first term. If they’re going to move, they need to move.

MJ: Do you think that, in her tenure at EPA, Lisa Jackson was trying to do the right thing, but hitting a roadblock at the White House?

LH: Absolutely. For sure. She’s very committed, smart, brave. She’s an environmental stalwart. I think a lot of things that didn’t happen didn’t happen because of the White House.

MJ: Do you think McCarthy will have more luck in the next four years?

LH: I don’t know. Part of it will depend on if she starts out thinking that there sometimes may be reason to do more than the White House would otherwise want. If she doesn’t, if she starts out thinking that she wants to be in perfect alignment with the White House, then we’ll see perfect alignment with the White House. It will be interesting to see the posture she takes. I really don’t know.

War on Savers

Investing
The war on “the war on savers”
Apr 5th 2013, 12:50 by Buttonwood

JAMES Surowiecki is a well-respected writer and I normally enjoy his New Yorker columns. But his latest effort “Shut up, savers!” is very odd. It is understandable that he might get irritated about right-wing complaints about economic policy (Rick Perry’s treason comment. Jack Welch’s conspiracy to hide unemployment etc); often these remarks are paranoid or silly.

But in an entire page devoted to how savers benefit in other ways from monetary policy (a stronger economy, many of them are also borrowers etc), he devotes not one word to pensions. Pensions are the single most important savings pot. And pension plans have been hit by low rates, since pensions are a bond-like liability. This is not a theoretical issue; use your pension pot to buy a fixed annuity and you will get a much lower income than 10 years ago; when a company wants to offload part of its final salary plan to an insurance company (as GM has done) the cost is much greater than it previously would have been.

But doesn’t the higher stockmarket. itself a consequence of monetary policy, compensate for the rise in liabilities? No it doesn’t*. At the end of 2012, the deficit of US corporate pension plans was $557 billion, the highest ever; plans were only 74% funded. Even the bumper stockmarket returns of the first quarter still leave the deficit at $372 billion. Companies had to contribute $80 billion to their pension plans last year, twice the level of a few years ago.

And then there are the state and local government pension plans, most of which are final salary. Joshua Rauh and Robert Novy-Marx have estimated that the true deficit on these plans is more than $4 trillion; closing this deficit over 30 years will require an average tax increase of $1,385 per US household per year.

For people who expect to survive on money from a private (401k-style pension) low rates mean they need to save more to generate a given retirement income. but of course, low rates are designed to encourage spending, not saving. The result may be that many people find they have entirely inadequate savings when they get to 65, and have to keep working.

These are all problems that have to be set against the potential gains to employment, borrowers etc that might flow from monetary policy. It might be legitimate to say that the problems are outweighed by the advantages. Fair enough. But not to mention pensions at all?

* On that point, most equities are owned by the wealthiest. So a policy that penalises small savers with bank deposits and pushes up equities is redistributive. Indeed, in my view, the persistent willingness of central banks over the last 25 years to cut rates to prop up the stock market when it wobbles contributed to the rise of the finance sector and of wealth inequality. They’re still doing it.

Keystone XL Pipeline Update

John Kerry’s Fateful Decision on the Keystone Pipeline

 

 

 


US Secretary of State John Kerry speaks at a news conference at the State Department in Washington, on Tuesday, April 2, 2013. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

Secretary of State John Kerry has been arrested one time in his life, and as it happens, I was there—at least until my mom took me home to bed.

About the Author

Bill McKibben
Bill McKibben is the author of a dozen books, most recently The Bill McKibben Reader, an essay collection. A scholar in…

Also by the Author

It was the spring of 1971, and Kerry was in his relatively brief stretch as the face of Vietnam Veterans Against the War. The group announced plans to camp on the Battle Green in Lexington, the Boston suburb where I was then attending sixth grade. When town officials denied them permission, hundreds of residents showed up in support, and in the early morning hours the police took them all to the Public Works garage; they were fined $5 and released. My father, a mild-mannered business reporter, was among the arrestees, and that’s mostly what I remember—but also the clean-cut and well-spoken Kerry, in his fatigues.

The world has a way of turning, and some combination of ambition, talent and devotion has over time made Kerry into a Washington power: long a senator, nearly a president, now
secretary of state. And he is confronting one of the largest protest movements in this country since those turbulent times.

Sometime in the next couple of months, the State Department will issue a final environmental impact statement on the Keystone XL pipeline, followed by a determination on whether it is “in the national interest.” President Obama will have the final say, of course, but the other man who could stop it is John Kerry, which is why environmental groups, including 350.org, have mobilized to send him a million public comments.

So far, the signs aren’t good. A month after he took over at State, it issued a preliminary environmental ruling giving the project a clean bill of health. It didn’t take scientists more than a few hours of study to point out the many flaws and basic math errors in the ruling; perhaps stung by the embarrassment, the State Department announced that the “public comments” we’re now submitting will, in fact, be kept secret. (They may also have been stung by the pictures of tar-sands oil from a much smaller pipeline fouling an Arkansas suburb after a leak in late March.)

Other omens aren’t much better. Unnamed White House sources have said several times in recent weeks that the administration doesn’t think Keystone is a very big deal; seventeen Democratic senators, under intense pressure from the fossil-fuel industry, cast a symbolic vote in favor of the pipeline in March. One of the industry’s chief lobbyists wrote in an e-mail to his clients, “I just think it is funny how many of the true believers are seriously clueless about Keystone, politics, elections.”

But then, people who want fundamental change are always willfully clueless about political reality, or else they wouldn’t fight in the first place. Here’s John Kerry, weeks before that night on the Lexington Battle Green all those years ago, testifying before Congress: “How do you ask a man to be the last man to die in Vietnam? How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?”

The war had raged on for a decade. By then, almost everyone in Washington knew it was a mistake, but very few were willing to stand up and try to stop it; it was politically convenient to let the war rattle hopelessly on. It took an impassioned movement to change that, a movement Kerry helped lead.

The fossil-fuel era has raged on for many decades. By now, most people who think about it know it has to come to an end—the Arctic melted faster and farther than we’ve ever seen last summer, and the New York City subway system filled with water last fall. Cheap oil, once a boon, is now a bane. And yet the wealth of the industry makes it all but impossible to bring it to heel. By almost any definition, building a big new pipeline—
designed to last decades—to the dirtiest oil on earth is a mistake. We know, that is, that the time has come to put the fossil-fuel era behind us. Here’s Kerry speaking in March: “The science is screaming at us, literally, demanding that people in positions of public responsibility at least exercise the so-called ‘precautionary principle’ to balance the equities and, not knowing completely the outcomes, at least understand what is happening and take steps to prevent potential disaster.”

That sounds like the John Kerry of the early ’70s. If he actually believed those words, there’s no possible way he could support Keystone. Instead, he’d become one of the first global leaders to stop a project cold because of its impact on the
climate, earning himself some chips to lay down in negotiations with other countries.

We’ll find out how Kerry has aged when he rules on the pipeline. We’ll find out who he is now, and how he rises to the same kind of challenge he laid down in his youth. “We are here to ask, and we are here to ask vehemently, where are the leaders of our country?” he said when he testified that day in Congress forty-two years ago. “Where is the leadership? We’re here to ask where are McNamara, Rostow, Bundy, Gilpatrick and so many others?”

In the climate fight—a battle even more momentous than the one over Vietnam—the names are Obama and Kerry. Of those earlier leaders, a young Kerry said, “They’ve left the real stuff of their reputations bleaching behind them in the sun.” Much sooner than four decades from now, and under an ever hotter sun, we’ll know if John Kerry did likewise.

Michael T. Klare wrote about the Keystone pipeline earlier this year, and about protests in Washington by those opposed to it, including Bill McKibben and 350.org.

 

 

Bankers Behaving Badly – Again

April 5, 2013

 

Why Do Banks Go Rogue: Bad Culture or Lax Regulation?

 

rogue-banks.jpg

If you are looking for a bit of light reading over the weekend, I can recommend a new two-hundred-and-fifty-page report about Barclays Bank, a venerable British lending institution that, during the past decade or so, has transformed itself into a hard-charging global colossus that competes with the likes of JP Morgan, Goldman Sachs, and Deutsche Bank. (As a matter of local interest, Barclays has its name on the new sports stadium a few blocks from where I live in Brooklyn.)

After narrowly surviving the financial crisis, during which it bought some remnants of Lehman Brothers, Barclays got embroiled in a series of scandals, including efforts to rig a key interest rate, the LIBOR. These scandals, combined with the firm’s generous pay structure, enraged the British public, prompted questions in Parliament, and generally saw Barclays excoriated as a festering example of all that has gone wrong with banking. Last summer, the Barclays board forced out the firm’s chief executive, Bob Diamond, a flashy American who was once a bond trader, and asked a prominent British lawyer, Anthony Salz, to conduct a review of its internal culture and practices.

While couching his conclusions in the understated prose favored by the British establishment, Salz makes no bones about what went wrong: Barclays went Wall Street. It abandoned the ancient values of sound lending and customer service, replacing them with a relentless emphasis on boosting revenues, booking short-term profits, ramping up bonuses, and putting one over on competitors. In Salz’s view, it was the adoption of this avaricious culture that led some Barclays employees to push the boundaries of acceptable behavior in areas ranging from the employment of leverage, to protecting the interests of customers, to being truthful with regulators. “Their focus on short-term return on equity and their competitive position led to a vacuum in culture and values,” Salz told the Financial Times. “Pay policies reinforced that.”

The theory that culture was the problem is an interesting one. It certainly jibes with the popular sentiment that many bankers, particularly investment bankers, are greedy hustlers, with the values of an alley cat and the self-regard of a mediaeval baron. According to Salz, many people who interviewed with Barclays reported “a sense of an entitlement culture.” Top officials at the bank earned more than a third more than their rivals at other banks, and felt they deserved it. Particularly at the investment bank, from where the LIBOR scandal and other public-relations disaster emanated, there was a pervasive win-at-all-costs attitude, which “may have led to the tendency to argue at times for the letter rather than the spirit of the law.”

That’s the British understatement I was referring to. But Salz didn’t veil all of his criticisms. “Winning at all costs comes at a price: collateral issues of rivalry, arrogance, selfishness, and a lack of humility and generosity,” his report says, and it goes on. “The evidence of highly competitive and overtly revenue-driven behaviors led us to question how far and how deep these behaviors had traveled.” In order for Barclays to avoid a repeat of its recent problems, Salz calls on the company to build a fresh culture that embodies “a new sense of purpose beyond the need to perform financially. It will require establishing shared values, supported by a code of conduct, that create a foundation for improving behaviors….”

Which all sounds very worthy and laudable, except for one thing. As the report acknowledges on page eighty, Barclays already had a set of values and code of conduct. In 2005, John Varley, its then chief executive, issued five “Guiding Principles” for the bank: “customer focus,” “winning together,” “best people,” “pioneering,” and “trusted.” If you suspect that these sound just like the sort of anodyne phrases overpaid consultants dream up, you may be right, but the fact is they existed. And, in 2007, the Salz report informs us, “they were embedded in a refreshed Group Statement on Corporate Conduct and Ethics.” For some reason, this didn’t prevent some of the bank’s employees from getting up to shenanigans like rigging the LIBOR market and misleading regulators about the state of the firm’s balance sheet.

Call me a skeptic, but I am a bit dubious of cultural explanations for financial malfeasance at investment banks, especially explanations that imply it could be prevented by adopting new internal guidelines and forcing the inmates to take remedial classes in humane behavior. Investment bankers are investment bankers, and they always will be. With rare exceptions, the reason they go into the profession is to satisfy their competitive cravings, earn as much money as they can in as little time as possible, buy a big house in a fancy neighborhood, retire early, and do something more interesting with the rest of their lives. Trying to inculcate them with finer values is a pointless endeavor, and so, with the demise of the partnership model, is trying to make them think long-term.

Trapped in a competitive environment that in many ways resembles the “prisoner’s dilemma” beloved of game theorists, investment bankers will inevitably be driven to cut corners, take outlandish risks, and generally engage in behavior that, although privately rational, is socially pernicious. In the famous words of Chuck Prince, “as long as the music is playing, you’ve got to get up and dance.” The only way to control investment banks, and to direct their activities in a more socially useful direction, is to sit on them hard—with strict limits on leverage, intrusive regulation, and harsh punishments for self-dealing behavior.

What went wrong at Barclays wasn’t simply a cultural failure: in some ways, it was a cultural success. Unlike most of its British rivals, the firm survived the financial crisis without an infusion of public equity. (Like all the other big banks, it did get the benefit of cheap emergency lending from the Fed and the Bank of England.) By adopting the scorched-earth tactics and outlook that Diamond and others learned from Wall Street, it transformed itself into the one British firm that could stand toe-to-toe with the likes of Goldman and JP Morgan. But, in accomplishing this, it was driven to do things that contributed to the disasters we have seen in the past five years.

The most startling fact in Salz’s report isn’t that in 2010 and 2011, at a time when its stock price was shot and its dividend payments had been slashed, Barclays paid its employees about nine billion dollars in bonuses and incentive payments. That merely shows that old habits die hard, or don’t die at all. To me, anyway, the real shocker is that, by 2008, Barclays’ leverage ratio—total assets divided by total equity—was forty-three, which means a mere three per cent fall in the value of its assets could have wiped out its entire capital. Even Bear Stearns wasn’t as highly geared as that. (In March, 2008, its leverage ratio was thirty-six.) And Bear, at least, was well known to its debtors and counterparties as a trading house that pushed things to the edge. Barclays was a retail bank that had purposely built up inside it a vast casino.

For that, surely, regulatory failures rather than poor values are ultimately to blame. If Barclays was a third the size it is; if it were a stand-alone investment bank with no depositors’ funds at risk; if it had enough capital to stand on its own two feet after making a calamitous loss—then the arrogance and outsized pay packages of (some of) its employees wouldn’t matter nearly as much. But the bank, like all of its major rivals, is ultimately a ward of the state. If it gets into serious trouble tomorrow, the British government, quite probably with American help, will surely rescue it.

Given this central fact, calls for the big banks to change their internal cultures are somewhat beside the point. Yes, it would be a positive development if they all agreed to follow Salz’s recommendations. (Barclays, under new leadership, has already moved in that direction.) But come the next credit bubble, the new codes of conduct almost certainly won’t prevent them from doing some malign and damaging things. Perhaps nothing can prevent such behavior. But the best bet is effective supervision and regulation.

Above: Anthony Jenkins, Group Chief Executive of Barclays, in February. Photograph by Carl Court/AFP/Getty.

 

A Bit Like Robo Calls

 

Big data and hiring

Robot recruiters

How software helps firms hire workers more efficiently

THE problem with human-resource managers is that they are human. They have biases; they make mistakes. But with better tools, they can make better hiring decisions, say advocates of “big data”. Software that crunches piles of information can spot things that may not be apparent to the naked eye. In the case of hiring American workers who toil by the hour, number-crunching has uncovered some surprising correlations.

For instance, people who fill out online job applications using browsers that did not come with the computer (such as Microsoft’s Internet Explorer on a Windows PC) but had to be deliberately installed (like Firefox or Google’s Chrome) perform better and change jobs less often.

It could just be coincidence, but some analysts think that people who bother to install a new browser may be the sort who take the time to reach informed decisions. Such people should be better employees. Evolv, a company that monitors recruitment and workplace data, pored over nearly 3m data points from more than 30,000 employees to find this nugget.

Some 60% of American workers earn hourly wages. Of these, about half change jobs each year. So firms that employ lots of unskilled workers, such as supermarkets and fast-food chains, have to vet heaps—sometimes millions—of applications every year. Making the process more efficient could yield big payoffs.

Evolv mines mountains of data. If a client operates call centres, for example, Evolv keeps daily tabs on such things as how long each employee takes to answer a customer’s query. It then relates actual performance to traits that were visible during recruitment.

Some insights are counter-intuitive. For instance, firms routinely cull job candidates with a criminal record. Yet the data suggest that for certain jobs there is no correlation with work performance. Indeed, for customer-support calls, people with a criminal background actually perform a bit better. Likewise, many HR departments automatically eliminate candidates who have hopped from job to job. But a recent analysis of 100,000 call-centre workers showed that those who had job-hopped in the past were no more likely to quit quickly than those who had not.

Working with Xerox, a maker of printers, Evolv found that one of the best predictors that a customer-service employee will stick with a job is that he lives nearby and can get to work easily. These and other findings helped Xerox cut attrition by a fifth in a pilot programme that has since been extended. It also found that workers who had joined one or two social networks tended to stay in a job for longer. Those who belonged to four or more social networks did not.

There is no point asking jobseekers if they are honest. But surveys can measure honesty indirectly, by asking questions like “How good at computers are you?” and later: “What does control-V do on a word-processing programme?” A study of 20,000 workers showed that more honest people tend to perform better and stay at the job longer. For some reason, however, they make less effective salespeople.

Algorithms and big data are powerful tools. Wisely used, they can help match the right people with the right jobs. But they must be designed and used by humans, so they can go horribly wrong. Peter Cappelli of the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School of Business recalls a case where the software rejected every one of many good applicants for a job because the firm in question had specified that they must have held a particular job title—one that existed at no other company.

Rethinking the Limits of Military Power

The Limits of Military Power By ANDREW ROSENTHAL

U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel  gave his first major policy address as secretary of defense and devoted a good amount of space to a fundamental issue: the parameters of conventional military power. Mr. Hagel laid out that although the United States “is emerging from more than a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan,” the “threat of violent extremism persists and continues to emanate from weak states and ungoverned spaces in the Middle East and North Africa.”

Other dangers include “the increased availability of advanced military technologies in the hands of state and non-state actors, the risk of regional conflicts that could draw in the United States, the debilitating and dangerous curse of human despair and poverty, as well as the uncertain implications of environmental degradation.” And let’s not forget cyber warfare, which has “grown into a defining security challenge, with potential adversaries seeking the ability to strike at America’s security, energy, economic and critical infrastructure with the benefit of anonymity and distance.” In other words a catalog of horrors. Or more precisely an extremely diverse catalog of horrors, which calls for a diverse problem-solving approach.

“The United States military remains an essential tool of American power,” Mr. Hagel said, “but one that must be used judiciously, with a keen appreciation of its limits. Most of the pressing security challenges today have important political, economic, and cultural components, and do not necessarily lend themselves to being resolved by conventional military strength. Indeed, the most destructive and horrific attack ever on the United States came not from fleets of ships, bombers, and armored divisions, but from 19 fanatical men wielding box cutters and one-way plane tickets.”

What the secretary seems to understand is that—basically—we can’t bomb or “shock and awe” our way out of every conflict, and that our whole military structure is out of date. What he didn’t mention—but which I hope is also on his mind—is that in addition to structural and strategic issues, we need to reconsider our legal approach to national security. A thorough “re-thinking” of American defense will have to include a push to clear away the post-9/11 detritus: the Authorization for Use of Military Force, the Patriot Act, the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, military tribunals…the list goes on.

Remaking EA?

EA: where now for the games giant?

The Battlefield 4 publisher is looking for a permanent CEO – can they beat the new whiz-kids, or is the job a poisoned chalice?   EA is committed to its ongoing battle with Call of Duty, but faces new foes If HBO called right now and asked me to pitch ideas on a new series about the games industry, I know what I’d put right at the centre of it: EA’s search for a new CEO. In March, John Riccitiello resigned from the position after a tumultuous period of change and controversy. During his six-year tenure he attempted to drag the company into the digital era, scaling back on packaged goods and spending hundreds of millions on funky companies such as Playfish and Popcap, not to mention greenlighting Origin, EA’s rival to the mighty digital distribution channel, Steam.

Now he’s gone and his successor will have to survey half a decade of radical change and mega-spending in an industry troubled by fierce rivalries and looming revolution. And a question will inevitably spring to mind: can anything really be done at this veteran company? Is change possible? I mean, look at Kodak. That company dominated the photographic industry for a hundred years, but couldn’t move fast enough to embrace digital, despite actually inventing the first digital camera in 1975. This corporate torpour was partly about protecting the company’s legacy business in film, but it was also about the bewildered bosses not understanding why anyone would want to look at low-resolution images on a screen in the first place.

In the technology business – especially in the digital technology business – the popular consensus is that change requires two things: youth and ambition. That’s why Facebook, Twitter and Google all came from young geeks in bedrooms, garages and university computer labs and not from Microsoft. So yeah, what does EA do about all that? “John Riccitiello took some great steps by reducing EA’s reliance on packaged goods in favour of a transition towards digital distribution, but it’s a hugely difficult change to make for an organisation of that size,” says Harvey Elliot, who once ran one of EA’s UK studios. “We’re now far beyond the stage of considering the fast-growing mobile and social companies like Gree and King.com as upstarts in the gaming space: they are highly efficient competitors and EA certainly isn’t alone in struggling to maintain market position in the face of this new breed of publisher.” This is a really big problem. For the last decade, EA has pitched itself against Activision, another gaming dinosaur that it knows well – and it still has to do that because Call of Duty v Battlefield remains a vital part of the business.

However, can the same company then also look over its shoulder at the upcoming digital whiz-kids, often emerging from unexpected places, such as Japanese social media platforms? That’s two completely different business ideologies. “The major challenge all CEOs of major listed publishers face is balancing the maintenance of a legacy business against significant investment in digital and mobile opportunities,” says Piers Harding-Rolls, a senior analyst at IHS Screen Digest. “While there is overlap in internal shared services between the major games opportunities, often this will feel like running two separate businesses and that places strain on internal processes and margins.” Riccitiello went at this in the old business way: he bought stuff. He paid, lest we forget, more than $300m for Playfish and $750m for Popcap, and neither has set the world alight since (not least because the social gaming market itself was beginning to run out of breath). “EA’s next CEO inherits a company beset by a broad range of legacy problems created not just by difficult retail market conditions but also by its own hand,” says Nick Gibson an analyst at Games Investor Consulting Ltd. “It has been too eager to use major acquisitions – Jamdat, Playfish, Bioware, PopCap etc – to try to accelerate growth or gain early leadership positions in emerging markets, often overpaying by substantial amounts for companies that subsequently fail to deliver what EA expected they would.”

However, it’s important to point out that the painful and ludicrously expensive changes have pointed the company in broadly the right direction. “The outgoing CEO has pushed through many important changes,” says Harding-Rolls. “Product and service diversification, infrastructure investment and platforms for direct consumer interaction … it will be the next CEO’s role to continue that transformation. “Many of the major decisions are likely to be internally focused. The new CEO will have to decide whether to alter the dynamics of investment across the portfolio and the company’s accents on the major distribution channels – boxed, digital and mobile. Any significant alteration of this mix is likely to have a significant implication on how EA is organised, its staff and the skills it needs. The future CEO will also have to derive further efficiencies from its current operations to drive margins.

Much of the painful investment work has been done – especially in infrastructure and back-end integration – and now the benefits need to be realised to make a return on all that investment.” Driving efficiencies? Uh-oh. The worry is, that will mean far fewer original titles, greater reliance on franchises and more projects spread across multiple studios. The latter tactic can work (Ubisoft, Rockstar), but it can also mean that games lose any sort of identity as great hulking middle management layers take a deathly grip on creative decisions. The new CEO may well have to partake in a game of clones where a handful of familiar licences spawn out across platforms like a virus. And at the eye of this vortex? “In an increasingly multiscreen and multidistribution channel operating environment, Origin is the glue that holds together all of EA’s future product and services,” says Harding-Rolls. “It also holds a role as the company’s key interface with the consumer and offers an opportunity for the company to engage and communicate with gamers in a personalised and more rewarding way.”

But after plenty of negative news reports, Origin itself has to be overhauled if it is to become the Steam-like centre of EA’s universe. “Its management needs to become more open to learn from best practice elsewhere in the industry,” says Gibson. “For example, making use of more rigorous testing methodologies pre-launch to improve game quality and prevent SimCity-style launch debacles; engaging with, listening to and rewarding its games’ communities more readily; learning from, rather than dismissing, the successful practices of competitors such as Steam, etc.”

EA Games Partly, the next change – the one the next CEO will have to oversee – is as much about culture as it is about raw business efficiency. A couple of weeks ago, US site The Escapist wrote about how EA’s upper echelon is dominated by money men not gamers. That’s not entirely true – current president of EA Labels, Frank Gibeau, has been in the games industry since starting out as a product manager in 1991. But perhaps Riccitiello’s replacement needs a better understanding of how modern developers think and create than Riccitiello ever had. “I think the next CEO of EA needs to look at ensuring that the acquisitions of the last few years are maintaining their culture and staff and not being squashed by the corporate culture,” says digital games analyst Will Luton. “They are the best links to the future, but talent drain will kill them.” Luton points to the loss of Bejeweled producer Giordano Bruno from Popcap to Tilting Point, as well as the departure of the Playfish founders. Popcap and Playfish are now mostly working on extensions to familiar brands, and it’s clear not everyone wants to play the game of clones.

So yes, that new CEO and the task ahead. If EA is to survive, the message from the analysts is – further streamline the console business, while strengthening Origin and ensuring the high-profile digital acquisitions are doing what they were bought for. “Achieving substantive change in a 30-year-old company with $4bn in annual sales and 9,000 employees is not going to be easy,” says Gibson. “But in fact EA has many of the right ingredients: fantastic games brands, global reach, a healthy balance sheet, one of the largest ‘digital’ businesses in the world and certainly the most broad with activities in almost every corner of gaming.” And beyond the online invective and “EA is evil” absurdities, this is a company with a great history and some wonderful titles. It needs to give up on its game of clones, of buying into and subsuming sparkling newcomers, of depersonalised business models and payment systems; it needs to understand where the industry is going.

Last week at the Game Developers Conference in San Francisco there was a sense of coming change – a new emphasis on individualism and idiosyncrasy. Rather optimistically Kotaku writer Kirk Hamilton is calling it the week the industry woke up. That is what needs to happen for this company, which started out as a rebellious presence in the business, determined to get credit for its creative visionaries. It would make a fascinating HBO story, wouldn’t it? The grand patriarch, battling dissent and delusion, coming in for another shot, a new king on the throne, an impossible future to face down.

Posted by Keith Stuart Tuesday 2 April 2013 12.41 EDT guardian.co.uk

Things for Chinese Residents to Worry About

4 Things to Read About China A big, exciting country — with serious problems. James Fallows Apr 3 2013

Yan Lianke, in the NYT, on “China’s State-Sponsored Amnesia.” Sample: [Widespread Chinese ignorance of the “June 4 1989 episode”] reminded me of something another teacher told me. She had asked her students from China if they had heard about the death by starvation of 30 to 40 million people during the so-called “three years of natural disasters” in the early 1960s. Her students responded with stunned silence, as if she, a teacher in Hong Kong, was brazenly fabricating history to attack their mother country.

2) Christina Larson, in Bloomberg Businessweek, about new evidence on the birth-defect epidemic being caused by pollution in China. Sample: In the U.S., for every 10,000 live births, there are 7.5 infants with neural tube defects. In Shanxi province, that number is 18 times higher: 140 infants…. Over a 10-year period, the researchers gathered placentas from 80 stillborn or newborn infants in Shanxi with the disorder. Based on their analysis, they confirmed that those infants had been exposed in utero to significant levels of pesticides, industrial solvents, and especially polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs), which are released into the air when fossil fuels are burned.

3) A Chinese language report saying that as many as 15 percent of overall recent deaths in China may be due to pollution; to similar effect in the NYT.

4) A Xinhua report saying that March in Beijing — when we were there — was the smoggiest in modern history. And this is without even getting into the dead pigs, the new cases of “bird flu,” etc. China is a big, exciting country. But it has very serious problems, and different problems from those in the Western world just now. __

Opportunity for Greenland

The Economist explains Why does Greenland’s election have global implications? Mar 31st 2013, 23:48 by T.W.

ONLY 57,000 people live in Greenland, and little more than 30,000 of them turned out to vote in the country’s general election on March 12th. But the outcome of the ballot in the sparsely populated country may be felt by millions of people around the world. Greenland is sitting on an untapped export industry that, if exploited, could have an impact on the wallet of anyone buying a computer, television or refrigerator. The world may not often be very interested in Greenland but it is fascinated by what lies beneath it.

As the country’s ice cap melts, hidden mineral wealth is coming tantalisingly within reach. The country’s riches include “rare earth” metals that are essential in the production of many electronic devices, from electric-car batteries to television screens. Metals such as cerium (used in glass manufacturing) and yttrium (which goes into electronic displays) are among those that are hidden under the ice. Many rare earths are not as scarce as their misleading name suggests, but they are scattered thinly and can be difficult to extract. In Greenland they are often mixed up with uranium, which under the country’s current laws is illegal to mine. Most of the precious metals therefore remain underground.

Mining was the issue that decided the recent election. With 43% of the vote, the social democratic Siumut party ousted the ruling socialist Inuit Ataqatigiit party, which won 34%. Siumut’s leader, 47-year-old Aleqa Hammond, who grew up in a remote fishing village, became Greenland’s first female prime minister. Both main parties were generally pro-digging, but Ms Hammond said she would lift a ban on the extraction of uranium, thus making it easier to get at the valuable rare earths. She also proposed that mining firms should pay larger royalties, which went down well with voters, many of whom felt that the previous government had been too generous to foreign companies keen to exploit the country’s resources.

Should Ms Hammond’s plans go ahead, and Greenland manage to ramp up its extraction of rare earths, it could deliver a jolt to the market for the valuable metals. At the moment rare-earth supply is dominated by China. In recent years China has restricted its exports of rare earths, citing environmental concerns. Extraction of the metals is dirty and dangerous, and stories of poisoning are common. But some see an ulterior motive in China’s cutbacks: by controlling the supply of high-value materials, China can also control their use in finished products. That could help it in its broader strategy to move from low- to high-value manufacturing. If Greenland becomes a big supplier of those same minerals, China’s grip on the market could loosen, and prices around the world may fall. Polar politics therefore matter to many more than the 57,000 people who live in Greenland. (Photo: AFP)