James Bond and Ian Fleming – from the New Yorker

It’s a little hard to believe, but the first James Bond movie, “Dr. No,” was released more than a half-century ago, on October 5, 1962. At that time, Ian Fleming, the writer of the James Bond novels, was fifty-three. In April of that year (when Daniel Craig, it’s worth pointing out, was negative five), The New Yorker’s Geoffrey Hellman met Fleming for lunch at the Pierre (now the Taj). Fleming was in New York to visit his publishers. He’d stopped en route between his vacation house, in Jamaica (where Dr. No also has a hideaway) and his home in London. You can read the whole conversation here, in the archive.

Or, if you’re too impatient, here are the key points: What did they eat and drink? Each man started with “a prefatory medium-dry martini of American vermouth and Beefeater gin, with lemon peel.” Then they both had a second martini. Then Fleming ordered a dozen cherrystones and a Miller High Life. (“I like the name ‘High Life,’” he said. “That’s why I order it.”) Then they had coffee and Camembert. Where did Fleming get the name James Bond? He borrowed it from an ornithologist. “When I wrote the first one, in 1953,” he explained, “I wanted Bond to be an extremely dull, uninteresting man to whom things happened…. One of the bibles of my youth was ‘Birds of the West Indies,’ by James Bond, a well-known ornithologist, and when I was casting about for a name for my protagonist I thought, My God, that’s the dullest name I’ve ever heard, so I appropriated it. Now the dullest name in the world has become an exciting one. Mrs. Bond once wrote me a letter thanking me for using it.” What did Fleming do in New York? He walked to Central Park: “I went there to see if I’d get murdered, but I didn’t.” He watched the girls at the skating rink, and came up with a possible scenario for a James Bond novel: “What a wonderful place to meet a spy! A spy with a child. A child is the most wonderful cover for a spy, like a dog for a tart. Do tarts here have dogs?”

What did Fleming do for a living before writing the James Bond novels? He went to Eton and Sandhurst, served in the Army, worked as a foreign correspondent for Reuters, became a stockbroker (“Those financial firms are tremendous clubs, and great fun”), and then, during the Second World War, was personal assistant to the director of naval intelligence. After the war, he wrote for the London Times. What did he think of his own books? “I don’t regard James Bond precisely as a hero, but at least he does get on and do his duty, in an extremely corny way…. My books have no social significance, except a deleterious one; they’re considered to have too much violence and too much sex. But all history has that.” His favorite fan encounter? He was in Washington, D.C., driving with a friend. “She spotted a young couple coming out of church, and she stopped our cab. ‘You must meet them,’ she said. ‘They’re great fans of yours.’ And she introduced me to Jack and Jackie Kennedy. ‘Not the Ian Fleming!’ they said. What could be more gratifying than that?…. I think the President likes my books because he enjoys the combination of physical violence, effort, and winning in the end—like his PT-boat experiences.”

The next year, “Dr. No” was released in the United States. Brendan Gill started his review, “Yes to ‘No,’” on a grudging note: “The two qualities chiefly required to write a thriller on the order of Ian Fleming’s famous ‘Dr. No’ are hard to find — at any rate, they’re hard to find in a grown man,” he wrote. “The first of them is the overwrought imagination of a sex-starved schoolboy, and the second is an almost total ignorance of the real world and how it works.” And yet, he admitted, even if “Dr. No” the novel was a “trashy failure,” “Dr. No” the movie was a “trashy success”; Sean Connery, he felt, made such an “admirable Bond” that “on the strength of his triumph here … he could go on starring in Fleming decalomanias until his legs give out.” Gill’s reaction would be the reaction of pretty much everyone, for the next fifty years. The Bond movies are trashy, and yet good. In the days before reality television, that was a surprisingly rare combination. For more James Bond, read Anthony Lane’s “Mondo Bond,” from 2002, and “Of Human Bondage,” from 2006. Illustration by John Ritter. KEYWORDS JAMES BOND Read more: http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/backissues/2012/11/lunch-with-ian-fleming-bond-at-fifty.html#ixzz2BrmoM3GR

High Risk Energy Investing

High Risk Investing – The New Trend in Energy: Interview with Andrew McCarthy By James Stafford | Thu, 08 November 2012 23:36 | 3 Benefit From the Latest Energy Trends and Investment Opportunities before the mainstream media and investing public are aware they even exist. The Free Oilprice.com Energy Intelligence Report gives you this and much more. Click here to find out more.

Risk perception isn’t what it used to be. Ask the swelling ranks of Canadian junior oil and gas companies braving high-risk venues like Sudan, Iraq and even Yemen. Technological advances and the shale revolution are making risk easier to digest. And political risk is no longer limited to developing countries. Plus, risk is increasingly relative: Ask anyone who’s been caught up in the politics of the Keystone pipeline. Sudan is a case in point. While instability and a very fragile peace with South Sudan remains a threat, there is also growing optimism. The philosophy is this: Sudan and South Sudan will come to terms for the sake of economic growth, and oil will get them there. The prize: An estimated 5 billion barrels of oil. In an exclusive interview with Oilprice.com publisher James Stafford, Emperor Oil CEO Andrew McCarthy reveals: • Why investors are hitting up high-risk regions • Why Africa is more opportunity than risk • How political risk is no longer limited to developing countries • Why Shale WILL live up to the hype • Why conventional oil is still a great investment • And why human ingenuity will prevail Emperor Oil (TSXV: EM.V) is an international oil and gas company with a focus on the Middle East and North Africa. Most recently, the company has renegotiated the terms of a joint venture gas deal in Turkey and introduced a significant conventional oil project in Sudan. James Stafford: Oil and gas juniors are now setting up shop in high-risk countries like Sudan, Iraq and even Yemen. What’s behind this new era of risk, and are we likely to see more of this?

Andrew McCarthy: This question creates an opportunity for risk comparison – is it less risky to drill a mile below the ocean surface and create the kind of disaster we saw BP (NYSE: BP) deal with in the Gulf, or do we continue to look for work in regions that have accessible resources and are anxious to advance their economic position along with the health and welfare of their community? James Stafford: So you are saying that on a comparative level even North America has become a political risk? And that in this balancing act, volatile places like Sudan do not necessarily pose any greater political risk? Andrew McCarthy: Yes, there are always risks associated with any investment. The US halted all exploration in the Gulf of Mexico for extended periods following the BP disaster. This is a risk that few would have foreseen when exploration and development began in a country whose level of political risk is considered to be negligible. James Stafford: Furthering your point, there have been a number of other unforeseen political risks, both in the US and Europe… Andrew McCarthy: Certainly. The US banned all exploration and production in the Marcellus Shales in the State of New York. The US has also stalled the construction of Keystone XL pipeline that would link the US to Canada’s oil sands. In Canada, we have seen the province of British Columbia place a moratorium on offshore drilling. Across the Atlantic, we have also seen Europe place a moratorium on all shale exploration and development. James Stafford: What is your message to investors who still view Africa and the Middle East as too risky? Andrew McCarthy: Based on all of these North American and European developments, is it any less risky than operating in developing countries? James Stafford: Which brings us to Emperor’s operations in Sudan. When South Sudan declared independence in July 2011 it took with it some 75% of the known oil resources. Since then, the situation between Juba (the capital of South Sudan) and Khartoum (the capital of Sudan) has been tense and even bloody. How will this affect exploration and extraction? Andrew McCarthy: Well, now we have healthy competition due to the secession of the south and the need for both countries to maximize their economic opportunity. The skirmishes fought in the spring were quickly squelched when both countries realized the impact it was having on their economy and their people. Rather than fight over existing production they have chosen to expand their resource development so that there is a larger pie to share. There have certainly been many difficulties over the years but the country recently emerged from a democratic process that the South secede in a diplomatic fashion. Both countries are now keen to advance, and the competition to succeed is healthy and beneficial. Of course, one also has to remember how truly enormous this country is and how remote some of the areas are in which much of the oil reserves are located.

James Stafford: There is also the question of infrastructure. South Sudan is seeking alternatives to transiting oil through Sudan, and Juba is extremely optimistic about the prospects of a new pipeline from South Sudan to Kenya. This is all part of Kenya’s massive regional infrastructure plan—the $24.7 billion Lamu Port-South-Sudan-Ethiopia Transit corridor (LAPSSET). How feasible is this pipeline? What are the implications for Khartoum? How much would Khartoum stand to lose in transport revenues if this pipeline is realized? Andrew McCarthy: I think this is an unnecessary undertaking that will be difficult to finance for many different reasons. Pipelines are exorbitantly expensive to build and would seem especially unnecessary given the fact that they could face similar problems to those which they have just overcome in Sudan [in terms of prohibitively high transit fees]. It is doubtful that a new pipeline would have any negative effects in Sudan. If anything it would likely cause the country to push for further exploration and production so as to maximize the infrastructure already in place. James Stafford: The International Energy Agency (IEA) forecasts a drop in Sudan’s oil production through 2017. This contradicts Sudan’s own projections that it could double production in the next two years. How realistic is this? Andrew McCarthy: I think that they are more than realistic. The main pipeline and port in Sudan is more than capable of handling the capacity. The resources are proven and available. James Stafford: Despite the problems between Juba and Khartoum, Emperor seems confident that development and production will proceed without interruption. Can you tell us more about your recent progress in Sudan that boosts this optimism? Andrew McCarthy: Emperor has signed an MOU to acquire a 42.5% interest in concession Block 7 in Sudan. The other 57.5% is owned by the country’s energy company, Sudapet. Block 7 is 10,000 sq km in size and tens of millions have been spent on the property. The property has 3 discovery wells which have been drilled, capped and are waiting for production. Initial production will be shipped by truck using existing roads which connect the property to the country’s main pipeline, located approximately 60 kms away. A tie-in pipeline will be constructed during the second phase of development. James Stafford: Beyond Sudan, another key area of focus for Emperor has been Turkey, a key strategic player in Middle East oil and gas, where oil majors like Chevron Corporation (NYSE: CVX) and ExxonMobil (NYSE: XOM) have significant interests. What can you tell us about Emperor’s recent activities here? Andrew McCarthy: Emperor has a JV agreement with a partner in the Catalca Block in Turkey’s Thrace Basin. A major gas discovery was made on the property, which is located 30 kilometers west of Istanbul and only 5 kilometers from the natural gas pipeline supplying the country. The short-term plan is to complete the discovery well and connect it with the pipeline tie-in located only 5 kms away. The long-term plan is to drill 5-10 more wells and expand the resource significantly. James Stafford: In high-risk countries, what should investors look for risk mitigation? Andrew McCarthy: Management with experience and diplomatic skills; a country with a history and commendable track record in negotiation and resolution; resource potential; development costs; production curves.

James Stafford: Certainly, the reverse would be true as well? Andrew McCarthy: Yes. In Sudan, for instance, Canadians have an excellent reputation for quality work. They embrace the community and are willing to share their technologies and knowledge with the local people. Canadians are seen as net contributors and effective partners whose relationships are valued. James Stafford: How are technological advances contributing to the juniors’ readiness to operate in risky territory? Andrew McCarthy: With ever improving technical advantages in extraction methods I believe we will see more opportunities for resources which have a lower cost structure. Shale oil and gas developments will continue to evolve and conventional oil will have to compete on a cost level. Traditional extraction methods won’t have the same exploration budgets nor will they be able to compete unless the extraction is simple and inexpensive. I believe this is why we are starting to see a renewed interest in Africa and South America. Energy reserves are abundant, they are often defined by past work and are inexpensive, efficient and safe to extract. This creates a significant advantage that can in many cases offset the political and geopolitical risk that was once associated with these parts of the world. I also see the world becoming a safer place. Modern communication has improved access to information and changed people’s basic needs to wants and desires. Resource development creates employment and wealth – the cornerstone from which luxury and comfort is attained. Energy development is fundamental to advancing social, economic, health and safety standards for the world. James Stafford: On a broader level, does natural gas have much further to fall, or have we seen the bottom? Andrew McCarthy: I think we have seen a bottom in North America but Europe’s moratorium on shale exploration and China’s environmental concerns and air quality issues create a huge demand for natural gas, which in turn creates a long-term, sustainable model for natural gas exploration, development and export. James Stafford: Will the shale revolution live up to the hype? Andrew McCarthy: I really don’t believe the hype has even started yet. Unfortunately, the uninitiated are still focusing on the concept of ‘fracking’, while this is in fact one of the oldest technologies. We’ve been ‘fracking’ oil and gas wells since the 1930s. What has changed and continues to change is the technology applied – do you know they actually use CAT scan equipment to check shale porosity? It’s truly a fascinating region of science. The shale oil developers refer to 2010 like its ancient history and there is no reason to expect this rapid pace of development and advancement to slow. James Stafford: While shale is currently the hot item, which sector will be the next big thing for energy investors? Andrew McCarthy: Conventional oil is an excellent place to invest if you can find opportunities in areas that have excellent resources and are overcoming or mitigating their political risk. I think that technology stocks which are focused on the energy sector create wonderful investment opportunities. We are in a technological revolution in this industry. When people speak of peak oil they should first realize that the issue is energy – not oil. And in order to talk about a peak we have to eliminate the human factor – man’s creativity, ingenuity, invention and design always has and always will prevail. For those readers interested in learning more about Emperor Oil please visit their website at: http://www.emperoroil.com

Los Angeles Sunset

I took this picture during a recent trip to LA.  There are few things more beautiful than the sun setting over the Pacific Ocean

Obama and the Middle East

 

What an Obama Victory Means for the Middle East:

Wed, 07 November 2012 23:32 |

0 Benefit From the Latest Energy Trends and Investment Opportunities before the mainstream media and investing public are aware they even exist. The Free Oilprice.com Energy Intelligence Report gives you this and much more.

Memo to the Arab World: Good news and bad news with the re-election of Barack Obama to the White House. The good news is that a victory by the Republican candidate Mitt Romney would have given Israel and its current leadership a free hand at continuing a policy of arrogance that will lead the region towards greater mayhem. Romney’s lack of experience in foreign affairs compiled with his extreme pro-Israeli stance could have encouraged Israel’s hawkish government towards military adventurism rather than to seek solutions through diplomacy and dialogue, the latter being the only way anything will ever get resolved.

Perhaps Obama, who sees things somewhat differently, might help keep Mr. Netanyahu’s government in check until there is a change in Israel’s political landscape. On the other hand, while there may be reason to rejoice with Obama in the Oval Office, seeing that Israel might have to think twice before turning to its military instead of its foreign service to address matters of national importance, don’t expect anything drastically different to happen in the Middle East in so far as US involvement goes. The enthusiasm with which Obama came to Washington four years ago and the eagerness with which he wanted to tackle the Middle East problem has followed in the footsteps of others before him who have also started out with similar vigour only to be stonewalled from one side or the other. Just ask Gunnar Jarring, John Rogers, Henry Kissinger, Jimmy Carter and to Bill Clinton, to name but a few.

The next four years, in so far as active and positive involvement by the United States in the Middle East, are likely to be as lean as the past four years have been; in other words, minimal involvement and dismal at that. Related Article: Why US Energy and Economic Prospects Improve if Obama Loses Don’t expect anything terribly different from the second Obama administration when it comes to the Middle East. Barack Obama started out his first term four years ago by grabbing the Middle East bull by the horns, believing he could, come Inauguration Day on January 20th, use the leverage of America’s clout with Israel and with some Arab countries that were heavily indebted to the United States, like Egypt, to finally bring about a negotiated peaceful settlement to the sixty-plus years of strife that the region has had to live with. However, once faced with the reality of the complexity of the task ahead and the potential negative repercussions that meddling in Middle Eastern affairs could have on voters at home, solving the country’s domestic issues – unemployment, the deficit, etc. – seemed an easier and more rewarding task.

The degree by which Washington was removed from what was happening on the ground is reflected in the manner in which the administration was caught by surprise by the events of the Arab Spring. Indeed, Washington lost precious time when the popular uprising first began to shake and reshape the destiny of the Arab world as crowds took to the streets of Tunis, Cairo and Benghazi, forcing long-standing dictators to step down and in the case of Tunisia and Egypt, forced the US to lose close allies. Related Article: Elections and Electrons And if Obama’s acceptance speech delivered in Chicago Tuesday night is anything to judge by, where his only mention of anything related to foreign affairs was a reference to “freeing ourselves from foreign oil,” it seems obvious that the Obama administration will want to focus on solving domestic issues such as the economy, unemployment and fixing the deficit, tackling health insurance, issues that have dominated the presidential campaign and debates these past few months. And at the end of the day these are issues that matters most to the average American who would rather not have to worry about the Middle East and terrorism – that is until they come knocking at our doors as they did on September 11, 2001. That memory alone should act as a reminder that we cannot live secluded from the rest of the world’s problems. If we don’t help others address their issues those issues will very likely become our issues too one day; as was the case before. President Obama’s reluctance to become involved is understandable. However with the elections behind him now and without the burden of future campaigns Obama should renew his efforts to bring about peace in the Middle East. Helping the Palestinians to establish their state will help set America’s place in the Middle East as an honest broker for peace.

By. Claude Salhani Claude Salhani, a specialist in conflict resolution, is an independent journalist, political analyst and author of several books on the region. His latest book, ‘Islam Without a Veil,’ is published by Potomac Books. He tweets @claudesalhani.

Peak Apple?

From Guardian.co.uk, Dan Crow

We’ve passed peak Apple: it’s all downhill from here.

The decision to dump Google’s maps for its own, and the changes at the top of the company to eject Scott Forstall and John Browett point to a subtle downward trajectory.    A makeshift memorial for Steve Jobs at the Apple headquarters in Cupertino, California in October 2011. Did Apple hit its peak with him? Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images.

The story of Apple Incorporated is far from over. It is the most valuable company in the world, by a large margin. Apple produces a range of exceptional and much-loved products. It employs many of the most talented designers and engineers on the planet. But I think Apple has peaked and the story of the next few years will be one of a slow but real decline. Some background: I worked at Apple for four years in the late 1990s, as a software engineer and engineering manager. I joined during the disastrous reign of Gil Amelio, the desolate end of a desolate decade for the company. I was there when Steve Jobs returned and executed the most spectacular business turnaround of our lifetimes. I got to know Steve quite well and Apple really well. I’ve been rooting for them ever since. I’m an avid Mac user, though for mobile devices I prefer Android – I also worked at Google for five years. Signs and portents.

Why do I think Apple has passed its peak? There are a number of signs. The most visible recent one is the Maps debacle. Replacing Google Maps with an obviously inferior experience shows how much Apple has changed. Apple’s success had been all about offering users the best possible experience; suddenly it is willing to give users a clearly worse experience to further its corporate interests – in this case its long-running dispute with Google. We might expect this sort of behaviour from Microsoft, but we don’t expect it from Apple.

Now, Apple has taken missteps before. Even under Jobs the company has launched failed products: in 2000 the Cube didn’t set the world on fire; Apple’s early forays into cloud services were embarrassing; iMovie 08 was a mistake. No company is perfect, but what’s interesting is all of these were attempts to build better products and services for users, even if they failed. That’s not what happened with Maps: Apple deliberately offered an inferior product, because its fight over Android was deemed more important than its users. Maps is the most obvious recent sign of changes at Apple, but there are other, more subtle, signs of a creative slowdown. The iPad 4 launched just six months after the iPad 3 with Retina Display. It doesn’t improve substantially over the previous version, yet has managed to annoy users who just bought an iPad 3. This insipid update is not the sort of magical product launch on which Apple has built its reputation. Worse still, Apple’s hyperbole is now getting a long way ahead of reality.

Now, Steve was famous for his “reality distortion field”. I saw it up close and personal, and it was amazing. But Steve knew that when he turned on the hype, he needed an outstanding product to back it up. The reason he could seemingly bend reality to his will was that products like the iMac, the iPod, the iPhone and the iPad really were exceptional, breakthrough products. Steve’s showmanship was justified. Compare that to the launch of the latest revisions of the iPad and iPhone. They are accompanied by amazing levels of hype: “I don’t think the level of invention has been matched by anything we’ve ever done”, “This is the biggest thing to happen to iPhone since the iPhone”. Don’t get me wrong, the iPhone 5 is an excellent product; it’s probably the best smartphone on the market right now. But it’s only an incremental improvement over the iPhone 4S. The iPhone 5 is better, but it’s really not that much better, and iOS 6 has had some decidedly mixed reviews. But you wouldn’t know that listening to the hype from Bob Mansfield, Tim Cook, Phil Schiller et al. The problem with over-hyping is that people notice, and over time it erodes their faith. There are only so many times you can be told that a relatively small increment is “the greatest thing ever in the history of everything ever” before you get jaded. Steve knew how to balance hype and product. Apple today seems much less adept at this.

It’s not just on the product side where there are signs of Apple slipping. While the recent departure of Scott Forstall has, rightly, garnered a lot of headlines, it’s important not to overlook the fate of John Browett. He was in charge of Apple’s retail stores – a vital component of Apple’s success over the last decade. Browett was in position for just seven months and by all accounts he presided over a significant and ill-advised change in strategy, focusing on profit over customer care – another example of Apple putting its corporate needs ahead of its customers. It’s baffling. Apple has a winning formula – perhaps the most successful business formula ever – yet it seems intent on changing it. The company has shifted away from Jobs’ laser-like focus on building the best and most complete user experience, and started putting its interests way ahead of those of its users. It hasn’t introduced a truly new product since the launch of the iPad nearly three years ago; instead it’s making incremental and over-hyped improvements to its current lines. In reality, these signs and portents are relatively small. Apple is still producing excellent products and for every Maps app, there’s a great new iPad Mini or iPod Touch to brighten up the outlook. But, doesn’t it all feel a little… flat? Structure matters What’s really interesting is why this is happening at Apple. The obvious change is the loss of Steve Jobs. Steve left Apple towards the end of 2011, and since then we’ve seen a number of missteps, all leading up to the recent executive reshuffle that left Forstall and Browett out in the cold.

Most recent tech startups subscribe to the organizational philosophies embodied at Google: extremely open internal communications, flat management hierarchies, as much bottom-up decision-making as possible and lots of collaboration amongst team members. Apple is the opposite. It’s highly secretive, to the point of paranoia. It has many layers of management. Decisions are made at the top and rigidly enforced through micro-management and direction. Apple was built in Steve Jobs’ image, and Steve was all about control – specifically, his direct control of everything at Apple. At Google, products are built by largely self-directed teams, so there is little consistency between them. Apple builds extremely integrated products, designing everything from the CPUs to the industrial design, the software, the marketing, even the stores in which they are sold. This results in extremely consistent and holistic products. But it relies on the person at the top having the vision and creativity to design the right products. Apple had Steve, the master product and marketing genius. He was the enforcer of Apple’s quality and consistency. He used the advantages of a command-and-control organization to amazing effect. He harnessed tens of thousands of employees to create his singular vision for the future of computing and communications. Through a combination of inspiration, fear and brilliance, he was able to transform the sad remnants of the Apple of 1996 into the greatest tech company of our time. But the organizational structure that allowed Steve to wield power so effectively is now a huge liability. No-one could fill Steve’s shoes, though some have tried – notably Forstall. But not only has Tim Cook removed Forstall, he did so in the name of creating a more “collaborative” environment. Apple however is the opposite of the open, collaborative, slightly disorganized Google. It worked precisely because it was a dictatorship. But dictatorships without their dear leaders tend to fall to infighting, intrigue and inefficiency. This could be Apple’s future.

Where next? The story of Apple Inc. is far from over. The company is full of brilliant people, who believe in Steve’s vision of Apple. It has almost unimaginable piles of cash and generates insanely great profits. It produces outstanding computers, tablets and phones that people queue up to buy. Apple is not about to go the way of Nokia or RIM. It has also shown that it can turn around in the most dramatic of fashions. In 1996, Apple was two, maybe three years from being sold for a pittance and becoming yet another footnote in the history of personal computing. By 2002 it was well on its way to becoming the most dominant company in the world. What was done once, can be done again. But Apple has serious structural faults. The loss of Steve was devastating – the entire company was built around him and the mistakes we have seen since he left are entirely consistent with a very hierarchical organization trying to find its way without its leader. I think in hindsight, we will see that Apple’s peak of creativity, innovation and leadership was early 2012. After that, though the company will continue to see great success, will create amazing new products and will continue to make bucket loads of money, the pace will slacken, more mistakes will happen and it will not return to the levels of execution and brilliance we saw in the first decade of this millennium. I may be wrong. I hope I’m wrong. But something tells me I’m not.

A Country Divided

Barack Obama’s re-election A country divided Nov 7th 2012, 6:33 by M.S. AFTER a panel discussion on the US elections hosted by a Dutch radio station the other night, I got to talking to a fellow American who’s looking for work stateside. His Dutch government-funded job had been eliminated by austerity measures, so he was trying to convince his wife of the virtues of moving back to America. The main reason he was hesitating was the mood of vicious and increasingly entrenched political animosity. “Do you get the feeling,” he asked, “that it could get violent?” I said I didn’t know. But it’s certainly not a silly question. A recent broadcast of “This American Life”, which focused on people who have lost close friends in recent years over politics, seemed to capture the mood pretty accurately. One sequence portrayed a student with a life-threatening pre-existing condition that until recently rendered him uninsurable, who has stopped talking to a conservative friend who refuses to support ObamaCare because he said it felt as though the friend didn’t value his life. A conservative man describes being unable to continue talking to a former friend who supports a president he is convinced is destroying the country. Two sisters can’t agree on who is being rude and condescending to whom after a furious falling-out over political philosophy. Barack Obama has just won re-election, but America remains a country bitterly divided, as it has been for well over a decade. The divide is simultaneously very narrow in numerical terms, and gaping in ideological or partisan terms. This is what strikes one most strongly looking back at America from across an ocean: the country seems repeatedly embroiled in savage 51-49 electoral campaigns, and it seems to be increasingly paralysed by irresolvable rancour between right and left. And think about it for a second: this is bizarre. If Americans are in fact divided between two extremely different political ideologies, it would be an extraordinary coincidence if each of those philosophies were to hold the allegiance of nearly equal blocs of support. That situation ought not to be stable. Adherence to these two ideologies ought to shift enough just due to demographics that the 50-50 split should deteriorate. And yet the even split seems to be stable. What’s going on? To put this another way, it’s entirely logical to get a 50-50 split in a country where two relatively compatible political parties are competing for centrist votes. In a system governed by the logic of the median-voter theorem, one would expect to see the parties converging in policy terms to win the allegiance of voters in the centre. And you can even make a case that this is, in policy terms, what has happened in America. Realistic arguments over policy take place on relatively narrow terrain: they are arguments over a top marginal tax rate of 35% or 39.6%, over a health-insurance system with guaranteed coverage for pre-existing conditions but with or without a mandate, and so forth. But in ideological terms, this is not what the political divide looks like. Republicans construe the Democratic positions on these questions as socialism and international decline. Democrats construe the Republican positions as social darwinism and militant imperialism. How you do end up with a populace split evenly between these radical belief structures? My basic take is that the stable, narrow, bitter partisan divide in America is a phenomenon driven by an interaction between two major players: the parties themselves, and the media. Political parties have achieved a staggering level of professionalism; the increasing availability of voter preference data and increasing sophistication of recruitment techniques in the age of information technology are likely to result in convergence between their abilities to secure their vote shares. The media, meanwhile, and this can’t be repeated often enough, is overwhelmingly biased towards producing exciting political races. Horse-race reporting gives the media the collective ability to shape the kind of narrative it needs in order to report excitingly. The increasing interaction between mass media and social media seems only to exacerbate this tendency: both mass-media analysts and private social-media contributors are rewarded for sharply divisive characterisations. We’re seeing market segmentation in which a number of players have an interest in keeping the segments at equal sizes. But most people don’t view the increase in partisanship as a morally neutral, structural phenomenon in which they’re being driven into two camps by organisational forces. And they don’t see the policy argument as being a narrow one. The suspicion on both sides is that, while the results in policy terms if the other side wins the election may not be catastrophic, the other side’s true aim is a vision of America that is anathema to one’s own. And this leads to a social antipathy that can be quite profound. It increasingly takes a conscious effort for Democrats and Republicans to be socially at ease with each other. There is an increasing level of outright hostility; on the Republican side especially, the arguments that have been deployed to rally opposition to the enemy’s agenda provide intellectual support for violent resistance. Setting aside the policy issues we’re facing over the next four years, I think the most immediate need is for Americans to find a way to live civilly with each other. “This American Life” brought on a pair of writers, liberal Phil Neisser and conservative Jacob Hess, who’ve written a book (“You’re Not as Crazy as I Thought (But You’re Still Wrong)”) about their efforts to find a way to talk to each other and agree to disagree on fundamental philosophical and moral issues. There need to be a lot more similar efforts along these lines. This election has put Barack Obama back in office, and returned him a Democratic Senate and a Republican House. Over the next four years, legislative battles are going to continue to be savage and hard-fought. Neither conservatives nor liberals are going to change their minds en masse about fundamental issues of political philosophy. The top priority is for Americans to figure out a way to keep these divisions from dividing the country into two hostile armed camps that are incapable of talking to each other. (Photo credit: AFP) « The presidential race: Li

China to Build First Environmentally Friendly City

China to Build its First Ever Environmentally Friendly City By Charles Kennedy | Mon, 05 November 2012 23:26 | 2 Benefit From the Latest Energy Trends and Investment Opportunities before the mainstream media and investing public are aware they even exist. The Free Oilprice.com Energy Intelligence Report gives you this and much more. Click here to find out more. Construction is set to begin on a new environmentally friendly city in China which will house around 30,000 families on 1.3 square kilometres of land just outside Chengdu. Adrian Smith + Gordon Gill Architecture recently completed the master plan describing the Chengdu Tianfu District Great City as a “high density urban living and sustainable development.” The city will not try to be the world’s most sustainable, but rather the one that has the smallest impact on the environment. According to Planetizen, it aims to reduce energy usage by 48%, water usage by 56%, carbon dioxide production by 60%, and landfill waste by 89%. Related Article: Nightmare on Electric Vehicle Street These targets will be achieved by reducing the amount of transport used in the city. The whole place has been designed to be entirely walkable, with all locations within 15 minutes’ walk of any part of the city. The whole plot will be 3 square kilometres in total, with 320 acres for urban development, and 480 acres for landscaping. The city is the first of its type to be suggested in China, and will be used as a model to be replicated in other locations around the country, with the aim of solving China’s problems with overburdened urban infrastructure, and high energy consumption. The whole project should be finished within eight years, and will be built by Beijing Vanton Real Estate Co. Ltd. By. Charles Kennedy of Oilprice.com

Humans Think Like Quantum Particles

Humans Think Like Quantum Particles [Preview] Quantum theory once seemed like the last nail in the coffin of pure reason. Now it’s looking like its savior By George Musser 11 inShare Image: Oliver Munday In Brief Quantum physicists have discovered that quantum mechanics enlarges our capacity to reason in unexpected ways. The notorious Prisoner’s Dilemma, in which the rational choice is the wrong choice, can be eliminated by quantum entanglement. A more recent (and still unproved) claim is that a quantum system of voting could avoid the inconsistencies of ordinary voting. Quantum mechanics may be a better model for human behavior than classical logic, which fails to predict the human impulse to cooperate and act altruistically. Instead of trying to force our thinking into a rational framework, we are better off expanding the framework. More In This Article Overview Instant Egghead – What Is the Prisoner’s Dilemma? An American election season seems like a bad time to sing the praises of human rationality. Candidates make promises that will never be kept yet voters somehow accept; thoughtful arguments hold no sway, while sound bites carry the day. What a comedown from the Enlightenment ideals, the faith in rationality, that inspired the founding of the republic. And it is even worse than you might think. Some things you think should be possible to figure out rationally if only you exerted yourself aren’t. If you actually succeeded in living a life of reason—never voting without weighing each candidate’s record carefully, never buying an appliance without consulting Consumer Reports, never begging the question, never erecting straw men, never falling into any of the other traps that flesh is heir to—you still would find yourself doing things that made no sense, not because you had failed but because reason itself is a saw blade missing a few teeth. Throughout the 20th century scientists and mathematicians have had to accept that some things will always remain beyond the grasp of reason. In the 1930s Kurt Gödel famously showed that even in the rational universe of mathematics, for every paradox that deep thinking slaps down, new ones pop up. Economists and political theorists found similar limitations to rational rules for organizing society, and historians of science punctured the belief that scientific disputes are resolved purely by facts. The ultimate limits on reason come from quantum physics, which says that some things just happen and you can never know why. This article was originally published with the title A New Enlightenment.

TransCanada Going the Way of Gazprom?

Is TransCanada Going the Way of Gazprom? By Daniel J. Graeber | Sun, 04 November 2012 00:00 | 0 Benefit From the Latest Energy Trends and Investment Opportunities before the mainstream media and investing public are aware they even exist. The Free Oilprice.com Energy Intelligence Report gives you this and much more. Click here to find out more. Canadian pipeline company TransCanada announced its Mexican subsidiary was given a contract by the federal power company there to build a 329-mile natural gas pipeline for the state. The company said the project was part of an effort to help move the country away from fuel oil to cleaner-burning natural gas. Further north, the Nebraska government said it issued a draft report on the Keystone XL pipeline, saying a revised route effectively avoided a sensitive ecosystem in the state. At home, TransCanada said it was teaming up with Chinese partners to press for a crude oil pipeline for western coasts. While the company’s economic influence doesn’t have the dominance of Russia’s Gazprom, its pipeline ambitions suggest it aims to take a leadership position in North American transit networks. Russian energy company Gazprom this week announced it reached investment decisions with the Serbian and Hungarian government for its South Stream natural gas network. The planned European gas network is part of Russia’s efforts to diversify export routes given protracted economic conflicts with Kiev. For the country’s east, the company said it was moving ahead with plans for a 2,000-mile pipeline network that would tap into natural gas deposits in the arctic Chayandinskoye field. That pipeline, the company said, means it’s “going to build a unified gas supply system across the whole country, from the west to the east.” Related Article: Putin Plays Down Russia’s Deadly Dependence on Oil & Gas Revenues Canadian pipeline company TransCanada has enjoyed similar successes in recent weeks. The company announced that its Mexican subsidiary secured a contract from Mexico’s federal power company CFE to build, own and operate a 329-mile natural gas pipeline for the country. Russ Girling, the pipeline company’s top executive, said the contract is a reflection of Mexico’s move away from fuel oil to natural gas. This, he said, meant “there will be additional opportunities” for his company in Mexico. In the U.S., the Nebraska Department of Environmental Quality said, in a draft report, that the company’s latest plan for the Keystone XL pipeline through the state avoids a region, the Sand Hills, considered a sensitive ecosystem and key source of regional drinking water. The report potentially clears a hurdle for a pipeline considered a panacea for economic recovery in the United States by its supporters and emblematic of what’s wrong with U.S. energy policy by its critics. The pipeline would stretch 875 miles from the U.S.-Canadian border to Steele City, Neb., and ultimately uncork bottlenecks at the Cushing, Okla., trading hub. At home, meanwhile, the company said it was teaming up with Phoenix Energy Holdings, a unit of PetroChina, to press for a 310-mile crude oil pipeline from the Athabasca region of Alberta province to the Edmonton area. That move follows a string of foreign investments in the Canadian oil sector that sparked widespread criticism of the administration of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Girling, in a statement, said the new proposed pipeline was “critical” given the surge in crude oil production from Canada. Related Article: Putin Strengthens his Grip on World Energy with TNK-BP Deal Early this year, the European Commission announced it was looking into whether or not Gazprom abused its market position in Eastern Europe. In Canada, the National Energy Board told Girling in a letter it was conducting an audit of the company and all of its regulated subsidiaries. Sheri Young, secretary of the NEB board, told Girling she was interested in reviewing TransCanada’s “policies, practices and procedures” as they pertain to onshore pipeline regulations. While Young’s concerns in no way compare with Europe’s anti-trust probe into Gazprom’s operations, TransCanada’s North American ambitions are starting to garner widespread attention. By. Daniel J. Graeber of Oilprice.com

Odessaphiles

 

 

 

Authors on Museums: the great Russian writers flocked to Odessa, which now has a museum of literature created by an ex-KGB officer in a palace by the Black Sea. A.D. Miller, author of “Snowdrops”, goes back for more… From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, November/December 2012 Perhaps it’s the influence of his stories, with their subtle narrators and exquisite understatement, but to me the smiles on Isaac Babel’s face in the black-and-white photographs in the Odessa State Literary Museum all seem ironic. It’s hard, too, knowing a little about his life and how it ended, not to suspect that one of the ironies Babel might have been contemplating was the transience of success, even the violence that might one day supersede the accolades the Stalinist state had heaped upon him. Looking at the wiry spectacles pinned to the wall, I think of the pair that must have perched on the pale, fragile dome of Babel’s head when the secret police took him to the Lubyanka. Babel is Odessa’s best-known literary son. But this wonderful museum, housed in a pale-blue tsarist-era palace, isn’t devoted only to Odessa’s own, or to its magical and dreadful history, though it encompasses both. Because of its location—on the Black Sea, at what was the Russian and then the Soviet empire’s sunny southern limit—many of those empires’ greatest authors were exiled to Odessa, fled through its docks, or came here for their health or a debauch. Embracing the transients and flâneurs, this is, in effect, a museum of Russian literature. And, being Russian, it becomes a museum of censorship and repression as well as art: of genius and bravery, blood and lies. There are lots of museums devoted to famous writers, but fewer dedicated purely to literature. This one was conceived and founded by Nikita Brygin, a bibliophile and ex-KGB officer. He left the KGB in murky circumstances, but remained sufficiently well-connected to secure a handsome venue near the sea for his eccentric scheme—the ceilings are cracking, but the chandeliers and reliefs conjure the mood of the aristocratic balls for which the palace was built. He sent a team of young women across the Soviet Union to secure writerly artifacts for the collection, which is arranged in a suite of bright first-floor rooms reached by a grand double staircase. Opened in 1984, the museum survived Odessa’s transition from the defunct Soviet Union to independent Ukraine. Today, it is overseen by elderly attendants whose sternness yields to solicitous enthusiasm when one of their infrequent visitors approaches. The place runs on love. For me, this is a memento of the years I spent travelling across the former Soviet Union as a foreign correspondent—the most exhilarating, frustrating, sad and privileged years of my life. I loved both Odessa and the museum when I first came in 2006, but the stories I wrote on that trip were bleak ones, about smuggling through the port and sex trafficking through the ferry terminal. A woman from a charity that helps victims of trafficking told me how to spot them among the passengers disembarking the ships from Istanbul: hungry, hangdog expressions; no luggage; clothes ill-suited to the season. The sex trade is the dark side of the licence and loucheness for which Odessa has always been renowned. Pushkin is partly to blame for the city’s raunchy reputation. In the margins of the manuscripts of “Eugene Onegin”, which he started writing in Odessa, he doodled portraits of some of the women he slept with here. Facsimiles, complete with lavish crossings-out, are on view in the museum. You look at the sketches and think of the young poet, bored by his own genius. Legend has it that, exiled from St Petersburg by the tsar, Pushkin began an affair with Countess Vorontsova, the wife of Odessa’s governor. Another of his local flames, Karolina Sobanska, was also the some-time lover of Adam Mickiewicz (a cherished Polish poet commemorated in the museum), and a long-term spy for the tsarist secret police. Count Vorontsov, the peeved governor, dispatched Pushkin to write a report about a locust infestation, before running him permanently out of town. You can still sense Odessa’s erotic tension and potential in its balmy passeggiata and suggestively latticed balconies. In my novel “Snowdrops”, mostly set in Moscow, I send the narrator, Nick Platt, down to Odessa as the dénouement approaches. Nick is a chronic self-deluder and a man of fatally easy virtue. Here, he says, “you can somehow make things seem better than they truly are. You can make things be what you want them to be.” Odessa, a breeding ground for fabulists, seemed the right place for him. Yet, like many ports, Odessa stands for freedom as well as sleaze. Revolutionaries and their ideas have been smuggled in and out along with contraband goods. Each of the museum’s rooms represents a period in the city’s intellectual history, evoking a particular era through furniture and design, and often concentrating on a characteristic genre. In the room depicting the 1850s and 1860s, there is a run of issues of the Bell, the journal published by Alexander Herzen during his London exile, which was sneaked into Russia through Odessa’s docks. Photograph: A.D. Miller gazes into Ivan Bunin’s dressing-table mirror, and wonders how he would have coped with the bloody chaos of civil war (Rafal Milach) 123next ›last